Julius Kambarage Nyerere 1922 to 1999 Roman Catholic Church Tanzania

Julius Kambarage Burito Nyerere was born in 1922 at Butiama village, Musoma, Tanzania. He was a Zanaki by tribe. His father was Chief Burito Nyerere and his mother was Mgaya Wanyang'ombe. His father died while Kambarage was still young. His mother who raised him died in 1997 at the ripe old age of almost 100. Kambarage, the name he was given at birth, means "the spirit which gives rain" in Zanaki because the day he was born a very heavy rain fell.

In 1934 he was admitted to Mwetenge Primary School in Musoma, Tanzania, a school that was about forty-two kilometers from his home. Nyerere was a brilliant and hard working student. He regularly scored the highest marks in the class and was the leading pupil in all examinations. He received the highest score in the country on the standard four examination. After that he undertook studies at Tabora Government School in 1937, graduating in 1942.

When he reached the age of twenty, he decided to join the Roman Catholic Church. For the occasion he was asked to take a baptismal name so he chose the name Julius. He was baptized on December 23, 1943 by Father Mathias Koenen.

After passing the examination at Tabora quite successfully, he was able to begin studies at Makerere University in 1945. At the university, Nyerere liked to talk about politics, especially the politics of liberation. He also preferred traditional African dances to western forms of dance. He disapproved of drinking alcohol. Some of his fellow students thought that Julius Nyerere might become a priest later on because of this.

After Makerere University Nyerere took a position as a teacher at Saint Mary's School, owned by the Roman Catholic Church in Tabora.

Nyerere received a scholarship to go to Edinburgh University in Scotland where he studied history, politics, and economics. In addition, in his spare time he studied Greek and Latin. In 1952, he was the first Tanzanian to be awarded a Masters degree. When he returned to Tanzania he was assigned to work at St. Francis School, Pugu.

Nyerere married Maria Gabriel Majige, a primary school teacher, on January 24, 1953. Father William Collins officiated at their wedding.

In 1954 he started to get involved in politics and joined the political party called Tanganyika African Association (TAA). On July 7, 1954 the name of the party was changed to Tanganyika African National Union (TANU). At this meeting Nyerere was elected the first president of TANU. The Roman Catholic leadership in charge of St. Francis School at Pugu where he was teaching asked him to choose between teaching at their school and his work in politics. Consequently he decided to resign his teaching position and pursue politics.

He traveled throughout the country campaigning for independence (Uhuru in Swahili), continuing on even in the face of numerous threats and obstacles from the colonial government. In 1958 he went in front of the United Nations Organization (UNO) to plea for the independence of Tanganyika which was then under the ordinance of the British Trusteeship Territory. On December 9, 1961, Tanzania received its independence and Nyerere became the first prime minister of Tanganyika. After a few months, he resigned from his position in order to strengthen the party and Rashid Mfaume Kawawa became prime minister. On December 9, 1962, Nyerere was elected the first president of the Republic of Tanganyika. When Tanganyika and Zanzibar united to form the United Republic of Tanzania on April 26, 1964, Nyerere became the first president of Tanzania.

He introduced the political ideology of socialism and self-reliance so "that people…could live together and develop in dignity and freedom, receiving the full benefits of their cooperative endeavors." (Man and Development, p. 37)

Even as a politician, Nyerere practiced his Christian faith openly in concrete ways. First, he was a very devoted member of the Roman Catholic Church. When at home he went to early Morning Prayer everyday from 6.00 to 7.00 a.m. at St. Joseph's congregation, Dar es Salaam. Also, instead of fancy titles, he preferred to be called Mwalimu which means "teacher" in Swahili. Secondly, for the sake of religious tolerance he helped to formulate the religious articles in the constitution of the government of Tanzania and endorsed them in the 1960s. These articles, which are still used at the present time, mainly focus on the right to freedom of religion. The article on freedom of religion was re-incorporated in 1984, 1992, 1995, and 1997. Thirdly, Nyerere made many efforts to cultivate mutual relationships with religious leaders.

Fourthly, whenever he was invited to participate in church functions, he challenged churches to strive to fulfill their calling. Nyerere was a committed and professing Christian and church member and, as a result, he felt it was his responsibility as a politician to challenge the church to remember her responsibility to society. In one of the speeches he gave at the Maryknoll Sister's Conference in New York on October 16, 1970 (quoted from Man and Development, p. 48), he emphasized the church's role in society in these words:

Poverty is not the real problem of the modern world. For we have the knowledge and resources which could enable us to overcome poverty. The real problem--the thing which causes misery, wars, and hatred among men--is the division of mankind into rich and poor. We can see this division at two levels. Within nation states there are a few individuals who have great wealth and whose wealth gives them great power, but the vast majority of the people suffer from varying degrees of poverty and deprivation. Even in a country like the United States of America, this division can be seen. In countries like India, Portugal, or Brazil, the contrast between the wealth of a few privileged individuals and the dire poverty of the masses is a crying scandal.

Again, speaking on the unfair distribution of the world's resources, Nyerere stated:

…There are few wealthy nations that dominate the whole world economically--and therefore politically--and a mass of smaller and poor nations whose destiny, it appears, is to be dominated. The significance about this division between the rich and the poor is not simply that one man has more food than he can eat, more clothes than he can wear and more houses than he can live in, while others are hungry, unclad, and homeless. The significant thing about the division between rich and poor nations is not simply that one has the resources to provide comfort for all its citizens, and the other cannot provide basic services. The reality and depth of the problem arises because the man who is rich has the power over the lives of those who are poor, and the rich nation has power over the nations which are not rich. So the rich get richer and more powerful, while the poor get relatively poorer and less able to control their own future.

What is the role of the church in such situations? Nyerere calls the church to recognize the need for a social revolution, and to play a leading role in it, "for it is the fact of history, that almost all successful social revolutions which have taken place in the world have been led by people who were themselves beneficiaries under the system they sought to replace" (Man and Development, p.98). He continues to say that,

(…) the church should join with these nations [Scandinavian countries and Canada] and if possible help to increase their number….Only by activities in these fields can the church justify its relevance in the modern world. For the purpose of the church is Man-- his human dignity and his right to develop himself in freedom. For all human institutions including the church, are established in order to serve man And it is the institution of the church, through its members which should be leading to attack on any organization, or any economic, social, or political structure which oppresses men, and which denies to them the right and power to live as the sons of a loving God.

Finally, Nyerere concludes his speech to the Maryknoll Sisters by quoting from the Encyclical letter of His Holiness Pope Paul VI on the development of people, "If someone who has riches of this earth sees his brother in need and closes his heart to him, how does the love of God abide in him?" The pope then quoted St. Ambrose, "You are not making a gift of possessions to the poor person, you are handing over to him what is his." Later Nyerere quotes the letter again, saying, "To wage war on misery and struggle against injustice is to promote, along with improved conditions, the human and spiritual progress of all men, and therefore the common good of humanity. Peace cannot be limited to a mere absence of war; it is the result of an ever-precarious balance of forces. No, peace is something that is built up day after day, in the pursuit of an order intended by God, which implies a more perfect form of justice among men." (Man and Development, pp. 98-99)

As president of Tanzania from 1961 to 1985--and even afterwards--Nyerere continued to challenge the church until his demise in 1999. He often had the opportunity of speaking to church leaders and the laity and told them that the church had to serve the whole person, mentally, spiritually, and physically. Furthermore, he said that church had to serve people beyond the church. For instance, schools, hospitals, and income generating projects would not only benefit churches and Christians but also non-believers. This was a means of witnessing the Word of God to unbelievers.

In 1989 and 1993, as chairman of the ruling party called Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM or "Revolutionary Party") Nyerere led two seminars--one in Dodoma and one in Zanzibar--on family planning and the development of Tanzania, that were attended by party leaders, government leaders, and religious leaders--both Christian and Muslim.

For the well-being of individuals and the nation in general, Nyerere was committed to peace initiatives in Tanzania especially in the area of religious tolerance. Thanks to his wisdom, Tanzania has lived in a state of religious tolerance since independence in 1961 because of the foundation Nyerere laid, especially between Christians and Muslims. President of the United Republic of Tanzania, His Excellency Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete, affirmed this in a speech he gave at Boston University (U.S.A.) on September 25, 2006 entitled "Managing Religious Diversity in a Democratic Environment: The Tanzania Experience" in which he said,

The political unity and religious tolerance that we pride ourselves in did not come by accident. It is a product of deliberate action and the vision of leaders of Tanzania from the founding president, the late Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, to the present. (…) Thanks to the remarkable foresight of our founding president Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere, specific actions were taken to engender tolerance in matters of faith and manage potential cracks to our country. These categories can be classified into four categories: equitable policies, institutional innovations, political messages, and legal constitutional provisions.

Nyerere realized very early on that equal access to education among Christians and Muslims would bring national unity and cohesion. Inversely, he recognized the potential dangers of religious discord resulting from imbalances in that area. Equal opportunities in matters of employment and participation in national affairs for Muslim and Christian Tanzanians were the direct result of equal education opportunities.

Soon after independence Nyerere initiated a legislation which was passed in 1962, compelling missionary schools to admit students of all denominations and faiths. In 1969 all non-state schools (the majority of which belonged to Christian missions) were taken over and made state schools. Seminaries were the only ones spared. (The Guardian, September 28, 2006).

In his Boston University address, Kikwete expressed a very positive view of all that Nyerere had done to achieve equity in the educational sector for the sake of religious tolerance, saying, "Drastic as they may seem, these steps went a long way toward promoting and projecting the larger cause of national unity and social harmony which has become the hallmark of Tanzania today."

Finally, Nyerere was well versed in his knowledge of the Bible and a good witness to his faith. He emphasized that the African socialism practiced in Tanzania necessarily included religion. A communistic and purely secular system would be against the interests of the country and would not work.

Nyerere resigned from the office of the presidency in 1985. Due to his reputation as a leader, the international community appointed him peacemaker for the Burundi conflicts. Later he was appointed mediator for the political problems in the Democratic Republic of Congo. He was also chairman of the South-South Commission. In his reconciliation efforts, Nyerere noted that the major causes of civil conflicts were poverty, greed for power, and tribalism.

Using his international influence, Nyerere launched a campaign for the cancellation of debts owed by poor countries. The campaign, which was continued by many other organizations worldwide, persuaded some rich countries to cancel the debts of developing countries.

Shortly before his demise, Nyerere predicted his death and promised to pray for the people of Tanzania, saying, "Najua sitapona toka ugonjwa huu. Nasikitika kuwaacha Watanzania wangu. Najua watalia sana. Lakini mimi nitawaombea mbele ya Mungu." ("I know that I shall not recover from this sickness. I am unhappy to leave my Tanzanians. I know that they will mourn very much. But I shall pray for them before God.") Indeed it was a very sad day for President Benjamin Mkapa, the cabinet, all of Tanzania, and friends of Tanzania worldwide, when Julius Kambarage Nyerere, "the father of the nation" died on October 14, 1999 at 10.30 a.m. at St. Thomas' hospital in London, United Kingdom.

His body was flown to Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania on October 18, 1999 then taken to the national stadium in order to give the people an opportunity to bid him farewell. International representatives and presidents from many African nations, the United States, and Canada came to give their condolences to the nation of Tanzania for the death of Mwalimu Nyerere. Afterwards, his body was flown from Dar-es-Salaam to Butiama, his birth place, Musoma district, Tanzania on October 21, 1999 in the afternoon. On October 22 the people from Butiama village, Mara region, and the neighboring regions paid their respects to Mwalimu Nyerere. He was buried on October 23, 1999 in God's graveyard, belonging to Nyerere's family in Butiama village.

Nyerere was a great politician and African thinker as well as a philosopher. He left behind a widow, Maria J. Nyerere, and seven children. Their names are Rosemary, Anna, Madaraka, Makongoro, Andrew, John, and Majige.

Nyerere wrote many books and some of his speeches were compiled into books. Some of his works are After the Arusha Declaration (1967), Azimio la Arusha (The Arusha Declaration) [1976], Crusade for liberation (1978), Education for Self-Reliance (1967), Freedom and Development (1960), Man and Development (1974), Ujamaa--Essays on Socialism (1968 and 1971), Uongozi wetu na hatima ya Tanzania (Our leadership and the destiny of Tanzania) [1993]. Some of his books are used as university text books in Tanzania and beyond and some have been translated from Swahili into English, French, Portuguese, and Arabic. Nyerere also translated some books of the Bible into Zanaki. In 1996 he wrote poetry and spiritual songs inspired by the Gospels of Matthew, Mark, Luke, John, and the Acts of the Apostles.

In 2005 the Catholic Diocese of Musoma opened a cause for Nyerere's beatification. Tanzanian Catholics eagerly await the Vatican's final decision on the canonization of Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere, a devout Roman Catholic and first president of the United Republic of Tanzania.

Nyerere was a great historical figure not only in Tanzania but also in the rest of Africa and the world, having committed his life to attaining independence for his country--and supporting the efforts of other surrounding countries--to establishing peace and stability, and to developing economic and educational opportunities in Tanzania while preserving human rights and dignity. His Christian life as a political leader was exemplary. May God bless all the things he achieved for the well-being of mankind. [1] Angolwisye Isakwisa Malambugi

Biography : Julius Kambarage Nyerere

One of Africa’s most respected figures, Julius Nyerere (1922 — 1999) was a politician of principle and intelligence. Known as Mwalimu or teacher he had a vision of education that was rich with possibility

Julius Kambarage Nyerere was born on April 13, 1922 in Butiama, on the eastern shore of lake Victoria in north west Tanganyika. His father was the chief of the small Zanaki tribe. He was 12 before he started school (he had to walk 26 miles to Musoma to do so). Later, he transferred for his secondary education to the Tabora Government Secondary School. His intelligence was quickly recognized by the Roman Catholic fathers who taught him. He went on, with their help, to train as a teacher at Makerere University in Kampala (Uganda). On gaining his Certificate, he taught for three years and then went on a government scholarship to study history and political economy for his Master of Arts at the University of Edinburgh (he was the first Tanzanian to study at a British university and only the second to gain a university degree outside Africa. In Edinburgh, partly through his encounter with Fabian thinking, Nyerere began to develop his particular vision of connecting socialism with African communal living.

On his return to Tanganyika, Nyerere was forced by the colonial authorities to make a choice between his political activities and his teaching. He was reported as saying that he was a schoolmaster by choice and a politician by accident. Working to bring a number of different nationalist factions into one grouping he achieved this in 1954 with the formation of TANU (the Tanganyika African National Union). He became President of the Union (a post he held until 1977), entered the Legislative Council in 1958 and became chief minister in 1960. A year later Tanganyika was granted internal self-government and Nyerere became premier. Full independence came in December 1961 and he was elected President in 1962.

Nyerere’s integrity, ability as a political orator and organizer, and readiness to work with different groupings was a significant factor in independence being achieved without bloodshed. In this he was helped by the co-operative attitude of the last British governor — Sir Richard Turnbull. In 1964, following a coup in Zanzibar (and an attempted coup in Tanganyika itself) Nyerere negotiated with the new leaders in Zanzibar and agreed to absorb them into the union government. The result was the creation of the Republic of Tanzania.

Ujamma, socialism and self reliance

As President, Nyerere had to steer a difficult course. By the late 1960s Tanzania was one of the world’s poorest countries. Like many others it was suffering from a severe foreign debt burden, a decrease in foreign aid, and a fall in the price of commodities. His solution, the collectivization of agriculture, villigization (see Ujamma below) and large-scale nationalization was a unique blend of socialism and communal life. The vision was set out in the Arusha Declaration of 1967 (reprinted in Nyerere 1968):

"The objective of socialism in the United Republic of Tanzania is to build a society in which all members have equal rights and equal opportunities; in which all can live in peace with their neighbours without suffering or imposing injustice, being exploited, or exploiting; and in which all have a gradually increasing basic level of material welfare before any individual lives in luxury." (Nyerere 1968: 340)

The focus, given the nature of Tanzanian society, was on rural development. People were encouraged (sometimes forced) to live and work on a co-operative basis in organized villages or ujamaa (meaning ‘familyhood’ in Kishwahili). The idea was to extend traditional values and responsibilities around kinship to Tanzania as a whole.

Within the Declaration there was a commitment to raising basic living standards (and an opposition to conspicuous consumption and large private wealth). The socialism he believed in was ‘people-centred’. Humanness in its fullest sense rather than wealth creation must come first. Societies become better places through the development of people rather than the gearing up of production. This was a matter that Nyerere took to be important both in political and private terms. Unlike many other politicians, he did not amass a large fortune through exploiting his position.

The policy met with significant political resistance (especially when people were forced into rural communes) and little economic success. Nearly 10 million peasants were moved and many were effectively forced to give up their land. The idea of collective farming was less than attractive to many peasants. A large number found themselves worse off. Productivity went down. However, the focus on human development and self-reliance did bring some success in other areas notably in health, education and in political identity.

Liberation struggles

A committed pan-Africanist, Nyerere provided a home for a number of African liberation movements including the African National Congress (ANC) and the Pan African Congress (PAC) of South Africa, Frelimo when seeking to overthrow Portuguese rule in Mozambique, Zanla (and Robert Mugabe) in their struggle to unseat the white regime in Southern Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe). He also opposed the brutal regime of Idi Amin in Uganda. Following a border invasion by Amin in 1978, a 20,000-strong Tanzanian army along with rebel groups, invaded Uganda. It took the capital, Kampala, in 1979, restoring Uganda’s first President, Milton Obote, to power.

The battle against Amin was expensive and placed a strain on government finances. There was considerable criticism within Tanzania that he had both overlooked domestic issues and had not paid proper attention to internal human rights abuses. Tanzania was a one party state — and while there was a strong democratic element in organization and a concern for consensus, this did not stop Nyerere using the Preventive Detention Act to imprison opponents. In part this may have been justified by the need to contain divisiveness, but there does appear to have been a disjuncture between his commitment to human rights on the world stage, and his actions at home.

Retirement

In 1985 Nyerere gave up the Presidency but remained as chair of the Party - Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM). He gradually withdrew from active politics, retiring to his farm in Butiama. In 1990 he relinquished his chairmanship of CCM but remained active on the world stage as Chair of the Intergovernmental South Centre. One of his last high profile actions was as the chief mediator in the Burundi conflict (in 1996). He died in a London hospital of leukaemia on October 14, 1999.

Julius Nyerere president of Tanzania

Julius Nyerere, in full Julius Kambarage Nyerere, also called Mwalimu (Swahili: “Teacher”) (born March 1922, Butiama, Tanganyika—died October 14, 1999, London, England), first prime minister of independent Tanganyika (1961), who became the first president of the new state of Tanzania (1964). Nyerere was also the major force behind the Organization of African Unity (OAU; now the African Union).

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  Julius Nyerere, 1985.

  William F. Campbell—Time Life Pictures/Getty Images

Nyerere was a son of the chief of the small Zanaki ethnic group. He was educated at Tabora Secondary School and Makerere College in Kampala, Uganda. A convert to Roman Catholicism, he taught in several Roman Catholic schools before going to Edinburgh University. He was the first Tanganyikan to study at a British university. He graduated with an M.A. in history and economics in 1952 and returned to Tanganyika to teach.

By the time Nyerere entered politics, the old League of Nations mandate that Britain had exercised in Tanganyika had been converted into a United Nations trusteeship, with independence the ultimate goal. Seeking to hasten the process of emancipation, Nyerere joined the Tanganyika African Association, quickly becoming its president in 1953. In 1954 he converted the organization into the politically oriented Tanganyika African National Union (TANU). Under Nyerere’s leadership the organization espoused peaceful change, social equality, and racial harmony and rejected tribalism and all forms of racial and ethnic discrimination.

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  Julius Nyerere.

  Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc.

In 1955 and 1956 he journeyed to the United Nations in New York City as a petitioner to the Trusteeship Council and the Fourth Committee on trusts and non-self-governing territories. After a debate that ended in his being granted a hearing, he asked for a target date for the independence of Tanganyika. The British administration rejected the demand, but a dialogue was begun that established Nyerere as the preeminent nationalist spokesman for his country.

The British administration nominated him a member of the Tanganyikan Legislative Council, but he resigned in 1957 in protest against the slowness of progress toward independence. In elections held in 1958–59, Nyerere and TANU won a large number of seats on the Legislative Council. In a subsequent election in August 1960, his organization managed to win 70 of 71 seats in Tanganyika’s new Legislative Assembly. 

Progress toward independence owed much to the understanding and mutual trust that developed during the course of negotiations between Nyerere and the British governor, Sir Richard Turnbull. Tanganyika finally gained responsible self-government in September 1960, and Nyerere became chief minister at this time. Tanganyika became independent on December 9, 1961, with Nyerere as its first prime minister. The next month, however, he resigned from this position to devote his time to writing and synthesizing his views of government and of African unity. One of Nyerere’s more important works was a paper called “Ujamaa—The Basis for African Socialism,” which later served as the philosophical basis for the Arusha Declaration (1967). When Tanganyika became a republic in 1962, he was elected president, and in 1964 he became president of the United Republic of Tanzania (Tanganyika and Zanzibar).

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  Tanganyika gaining independence, 1961.

  Stock footage courtesy The WPA Film Library

Nyerere was reelected president of Tanzania in 1965 and was returned to serve three more successive five-year terms before he resigned as president in 1985 and handed over his office to his successor, Ali Hassan Mwinyi. From independence on Nyerere also headed Tanzania’s only political party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM).

As outlined in his political program, the Arusha Declaration, Nyerere was committed to the creation of an egalitarian socialist society based on cooperative agriculture in Tanzania. He collectivized village farmlands, carried out mass literacy campaigns, and instituted free and universal education. He also emphasized Tanzania’s need to become economically self-sufficient rather than remain dependent on foreign aid and foreign investment. Nyerere termed his socialist experimentation ujamaa (Swahili: “familyhood”), a name that emphasized the blend of economic cooperation, racial and tribal harmony, and moralistic self-sacrifice that he sought to achieve. Tanzania became a one-party state, though certain democratic opportunities were permitted within that framework.

As a major force behind the modern Pan-African movement and one of the founders in 1963 of the OAU, Nyerere was a key figure in African events in the 1970s. He was a strong advocate of economic and political measures in dealing with the apartheid policies of South Africa. Nyerere was chairman of a group of five frontline African presidents who advocated the overthrow of white supremacy in Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe), South Africa, and South West Africa/Namibia (now Namibia).

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Nyerere’s concerns on the domestic front were dominated by economic hardships and by difficulties between Nyerere and Idi Amin of Uganda. In 1972 Nyerere denounced Amin when the latter announced the expulsion of all Asians from Uganda. When Ugandan troops occupied a small border area of Tanzania in 1978, Nyerere pledged to bring about the downfall of Amin, and in 1979 the Tanzanian army invaded Uganda in support of a local movement to overthrow him. Nyerere’s intervention helped to unseat Amin and brought about the return to power in Uganda of Milton Obote in 1980.

Though enthusiastically adopted by his countrymen and steadfastly supported by sympathetic western European nations, Nyerere’s socialist policies failed to spur economic development in Tanzania. At the time of his resignation in 1985, Tanzania was still one of the world’s poorest countries, with a per capita income of about U.S. $250. 

Agriculture remained at the subsistence level, and the country’s industrial and transportation infrastructures were chronically underdeveloped. One-third of the national budget was supplied by foreign aid. Tanzania had one of the highest literacy rates in Africa, however, and the society was both politically stable and notably free of economic inequalities. Nyerere himself remained committed to socialist policies throughout his political career.

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  Julius Nyerere, 1981.

  Hanos/Liaison Agency

Nyerere continued as chairman of the CCM until 1990. Thereafter he assumed the role of elder statesman and was regularly called upon to act as arbiter in international crises such as those in Rwanda and Burundi.

Soft-spoken, unpretentious, small of stature, and quick to laugh, Julius Nyerere was widely credited with impressive oratorical skills and unusual powers of political perception. His thoughts, essays, and speeches are collected in his books, Uhuru na Umoja (1967; Freedom and Unity), Uhuru na Ujamaa (1968; Freedom and Socialism), and Uhuru na Maendeleo (1973; Freedom and Development). He also translated two plays by William Shakespeare, The Merchant of Venice and Julius Caesar, into Swahili.